A plague on both your coalitions!

The euphoria among Malaysians following the May 2018 polls has now turned to despair and disgust after the political machinations that are afoot. On March 7, 2016, I warned the “Save Malaysia” campaign that putting Mahathir as the head of the supposedly “Reform Movement” was bare-faced opportunism.

Some have said it was like putting the fox in the hen house! The erstwhile “progressives” scoffed at my “idealism” using trite clichés including: “there are no permanent enemies in politics…”

While those in the Anwar Ibrahim/DAP camp are licking their wounds, what is transpiring now borders on extreme opportunism that former “progressives” could be part of a coalition with Umno and led by the same Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who I pointed out in 2016 had not shown a shred of remorse for his authoritarian rule from 1981 to 2003.

After the record of the last two years of PH government, such politicians will be laughed out of hand if they even try to pretend to have a reform agenda.

I warned in 2016 that Mahathir’s main objective was to get rid of Najib and to ensure that his own economic and political agenda was implemented. This he has successfully done and will pursue even more firmly now he can dispense with all the pretence of reform promises made in GE14.

Opportunism in its crudest form can be seen when politicians target an individual (namely, Najib Razak) rather than the political regime and political economic system that oppresses, divides and exploits the people. As is now revealed to all, Mahathir’s “Save Malaysia” campaign in GE14 was mainly aimed at expelling Najib while maintaining the same racist and exploitative rule.

Azmin and his crew can make all the politically correct noises about “Reformasi” but they have lost credibility through the last two years of bickering and Azmin Ali’s sex video file is now in the hands of Machiavelli, who now has him by the metaphorical balls.

Both factions in PKR have failed to show the people what they are fighting about and they have not even pretended to champion any concrete reforms except to pay lip service to “Reformasi”. That is why the people have had enough of their interminable bickering.

PH was already morphing into BN 2.0

As events have unfolded, PH has become more and more like BN 2.0 especially with the assimilation of Umno into PPBM. Even Anwar was considering accepting the former BN minister Salleh Said Keruak into his party.

The most revealing and distressing initiative of all was the so-called “Malay Dignity Congress” with its racist resolutions and which the prime minister patronised and the continuation of the New Economic Policy in the new “Shared Prosperity Vision”.

And as this short rule has ambled along, it has failed to meet manifesto promises and voter expectations in numerous ways. We have witnessed a number of the flip flops over the PH promise to abolish toxic institutions and laws, such as the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (Sosma) and other detention-without-trial laws in the country.

Nor do their promises focus on the most urgent and comprehensive reforms that civil society has long argued are of high priority. On top of all that, we have seen a disturbing trend of autocratic decision making and policies symptomatic of the old Mahathir 1.0 era.

Malaysian politics now means never having to keep election promises

While the PH manifesto prohibits the PM from also taking on the Finance portfolio, Mahathir has in the first 100 days succeeded in taking over the choicest companies, namely Khazanah, PNB and Petronas under his Prime Minister’s Office. It is the return to the old Mahathirist autocracy.

Was the Cabinet consulted on the decision to start Proton 2, privatise Khazanah, Malaysia Incorporated and the revival of the failed F1 circuit?

The appointments of Mahathir and economic affairs minister Mohd Azmin Ali to the board of Khazanah Nasional Berhad also go against the PH manifesto promise of keeping politicians out of publicly-funded investments since it leads to poor accountability.

Only by insisting that boards be comprised of professionals and on rigorous parliamentary checks and balances for bodies such as Khazanah can we ensure a high level of transparency and accountability.

The excuse of the government debt to delay local government elections, which have been suspended in our country since 1965 is not acceptable. It is a simple matter of abolishing a provision under the Local Government Act 1976 and reviving the Local Government Election Act in order to introduce local government elections.

It is equally absurd to tell Malaysian Independent Chinese Secondary School graduates that their Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) certificate can only be recognised in five years’ time. This is a serious breach of promise in the PH GE14 manifesto since more than 80% of Chinese voters voted for PH because of this promised reform.

Time to build a progressive Third Force

Reforms that do not challenge the neoliberal economic policies that were set in fast motion by Mahathir in the early Eighties are not serious reforms. Income disparities will continue to widen while the environment, indigenous and working people will continue to bear the burden of so-called development.

Najib merely made more extreme the structures created by Mahathir to entrench the powers of the Executive, emasculate the democratic institutions and provide the means for private enrichment of the elite in this country.

Racist and racial discriminatory policies were also entrenched by Mahathir in the early 1980s and further manipulated by Najib.

In hindsight, perhaps we had to go through the betrayal of the last two years of PH rule, the arrogant disregard for the promised reforms and the interminable bickering between the parties in the PH coalition. If we had not gone through this process, the people would not have experienced the opportunism and hollow reforms mouthed by these politicians all these years.

More than ten years ago, I raised the urgent need for a Third Force in Malaysian politics when it was clear that the PH “profits before people” and race/religion agenda was no different from that of BN’s. I said that we needed a Third Force if we are not to be disappointed with the return to BN rule in GE15 again. I was wrong – Mahathir didn’t need another general election, did he?

It is time for all who have hoped for real reforms in Malaysia to build a “Third Progressive Force” for a truly just, democratic and sustainable future that BN and PH have failed to provide. In the light of the worst treachery in Malaysian politics we have yet seen, professed progressive politicians should leave both coalitions to help build the progressive Third Force.

And if there are enough “good men and women” among them, they might actually succeed in scuppering Machiavelli’s plan by denying him the number he needs for a majority in the House … but that is just wishful thinking.

Kua Kia Soong is the adviser to Suaram.

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Impact of manifestos policy lead from Malaysia's General Electioon (GE14)

Market impact: The reaction of investors following the past two GEs is an example of how investors value certainty and how Bursa will be affected in the event of a Pakatan victory this time around.

Policy directions from political pledges have business and economic consequences.

EVER since Parliament was dissolved ahead of polling for the 14th general election (GE14), the combustible campaigning period has been mirrored by the volatile stock market.

The FBM KLCI hit an all-time high of 1,895 points on April 19, just a week after the dissolution of Parliament, but has since tracked lower as election day nears.

With the market edgy prior to polling day, UOB KayHian in a note on the election says that the election factor is a short-term sway phenomenon.

“While unexpected election results can be a significant market sway factor in the near term, such market reactions have been short-lived in the past.

“For example, when the Barisan Nasional’s control of parliamentary seats surprisingly slipped below two-thirds during GE12, the FBM KLCI plunged by as much as 9.5% in a day, triggering a trading circuit breaker at the worst level,” it says.

The research house notes that the FBM KLCI recouped most of the losses within a couple of weeks, once investors were assured of the continuity of political stability and business-friendly policies.

Both Barisan and Pakatan Harapan are mindful of maintaining business-friendly policies, it says. “Pakatan has on various occasions highlighted that it will generally uphold the sanctity of government contracts should it win the election. Eventually, equity markets will be dictated by external and domestic economic fundamentals and liquidity considerations.”

Market volatility and fierce campaigning do go hand-in-hand, given the uncertainties the outcome of the GE will bear on the stock market and businesses. Experts have said that the direction of the ringgit and also the economy will be determined after polling day as the country charts its political, along with economic and business, direction for the next five years.

“If Barisan wins, it will be seen as a vote for continuity. It will be business as usual, given the various plans and policies the Barisan government has laid out in the past and for the future,” says an economist.

“For businessmen, that mindset of what to expect is important for future planning and direction and they will like not to have any anxiety on what to expect in the future.”

The economic and business direction

The Barisan government, which has been in power since independence, has a track record of what it has done and will do for the country when it comes to business and economic planning.

The various Malaysia plans, budgets and policies announced over the decades have plotted the economic direction of the country. But in recent times, some will look at its manifesto as to the future policy direction the country will adopt should it retain power.

Policy promises are something more voters pay attention to these days, and judging by the manifestos of Barisan and even the Opposition, their documents are detailed with measures they will carry out in the impending five years.

For the Barisan government, the launch of its manifesto was done with much pomp, with it even detailing how it has fulfilled 99.4% of its 2013 manifesto pledges. Much of the focus of its latest manifesto is on the people, in order to lift their incomes and well-being.

These promises include raising the minimum wage in phases to at least RM1,500 within five years to setting up a Fair Works Commission to ensure that the salary levels of private-sector workers are more equitable.

BR1M recipients who enrol in higher education institutes will, meanwhile, receive a one-off assistance of RM1,500 plus there are a slew of measures for the country’s Felda settlers and their family members who are spread out over 317 settlements in 54 parliamentary seats nationwide in the manifesto.

Barisan is also promising to create three million jobs, and among the measures promised to help achieve this is by speeding up the development of the Malaysian Vision Valley, a 150,000ha area that is projected to create 1.3 million job opportunities.

On housing, the manifesto pledges a number of measures including setting up a special bank to facilitate loans for affordable and low-cost housing priced RM300,000 and below.

In addition, tax incentives or development funds will be provided to encourage banks and housing developers to offer rent-to-own schemes.

CIMB Research in a note on Barisan manifesto points out the key pledges which include low-income households, Felda settlers, females, the elderly and farmers.

It points out that the key promises include a top-up on the BR1M payments, raising the minimum wage to RM1,500 within five years, potential revisions in personal and corporate income taxes, expansion of affordable housing aid, special incentives and funds for Felda settlers, and subsidised public transport passes, broadband and other consumer goods/services.

It says that the additional BR1M payments will amount to at least RM3.71bil or 0.25% of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2018, which comes on top of the prior week’s civil servant pay hikes of RM1.46bil effective July 1.

“New spending commitments imply that the budget deficit is unlikely to improve significantly from the target of 2.8% of GDP despite windfalls from higher oil prices and GDP growth,” CIMB says.

It believes the market is expecting the ruling coalition, Barisan, to win the majority of the Parliament seats.

“We view Barisan’s widely expected win as neutral to positive for the market. The stock market’s performance post-election will depend on the degree of selling pressure during the campaigning period and the poll results.”

What the additional cash injection to households will mean is a lift in consumer spending. Consumption is a big driver of the economy and the BR1M payments have been one of the reasons for the steady performance of domestic demand.

“Furthermore, the economy will get a lift from the lift-off from projects that have already been identified for construction. The MRT, the high-speed rail between Kuala Lumpur and Singapore, and the construction of Bandar Malaysia will be some of the projects that will lift the construction sector and also the economy,” an economist says.

During the years when pledges from the past Barisan manifesto were being carried out, the economy had its ups and downs given the crunch felt by the collapse in crude oil prices.

The GDP, nonetheless, during the past five years has been positive, given the rollout of projects during that period. Growth came in at 5.9% in 2017 and was 4.2% in 2016, 5% in 2015, 6% in 2014 and 4.7% in 2013.

There have been concerns that spending pledges contained in the manifesto would leave a hole in government finances, but indicators so far do not point to that being a problem.

The government’s debt-to-GDP ratio has fallen below the self-prescribed ceiling of 55% to 51% and going by what the data shows in the first quarter, government finances seem to be holding up.

Nomura in a note says that Malaysia’s fiscal deficit was RM11.2bil in the first quarter of 2018, or 3.3% of GDP, which was below its forecast of 6%.

“This is smaller than any of the first-quarter deficits in the previous five years,” it says.

Nomura says revenue collection appears to have exceeded expectations significantly, surging by 16.5% year-on-year in the first quarter and was likely boosted by higher oil prices and possibly some lagged effect from strong GDP growth last year.

“However, more surprisingly, spending appears to have been quite restrained, falling by 2% despite the GE on May 9. Spending details have yet to be released but such restraint may prove temporary with the government likely concentrating the use of its fiscal firepower closer to election day,” it says.

“This likely explains the government’s confidence in maintaining its 2018 deficit target of 2.8% of GDP despite announcements of additional cash handouts around the election.

“While we continue to expect government spending to spike in the second quarter, the surprising outturn in the first quarter suggests that fiscal tightening in the second half may be less severe than we currently forecast,” it says. By Jagdev Singh Sidhu The Star

Election a short-term market sway phenomenon

THE consensus is for the Barisan Nasional to win the upcoming general election (GE) to be held next Wednesday. But what if Pakatan Harapan were to win?

The immediate implications of a Pakatan win will be on the financial markets. The other implication is the impact in the mid to long-term of a Pakatan win on the economy.

The financial markets

There is no precedence for a win by the parliamentary Opposition in Malaysian history, and because investors prefer certainty, the financial markets are sure to be volatile.

The reaction of investors following the past two GEs is example of how investors value certainty and how Bursa Malaysia will be affected in the event of a Pakatan victory this time around.

The local bourse’s benchmark, the FBM KLCI, slipped 9.5% on the first day of trading after the 2008 election, which was held on a Saturday. This was after Barisan lost its two-thirds majority in Parliament for the first time and also lost control of five state legislatures.

In 2013, the stock market fell the week before the election on speculation of an Opposition victory at the federal level. That was the year when many felt sure that Barisan would lose. The Barisan clung on to power but lost the popular vote. The stock market rallied.

While there certainly was a reaction by investors, it must be noted that the Malaysian financial markets, including the stock market, do not act in isolation.

In 2008, fund flows were also influenced by broader movements in the global markets made volatile by the global financial crisis.

“Don’t forget that news flow from the US markets was bad on a daily basis,” a fund manager with an emerging-market portfolio points out.

Shortly after the 2008 election, Bear Stearns Companies Inc, an investment bank, was taken over by another investment bank, JPMorgan Chase & Co, in an operation largely directed by the US Federal Reserve (Fed), which was afraid of what the failure of a Wall Street institution would do to market confidence.

The fund manager tells StarBizWeek that investors just took the opportunity to offload riskier emerging-market assets following the outcome of the election.

“It’s normal to point to market swings either way to domestic factors but in reality, for the index to move, institutional shareholders must react and they rarely do so on just domestic factors, especially in that period of time,” he says.

The same reasoning goes for currency movements. The ringgit’s weakness in the past month has been blamed on investor jitters prior to the upcoming election, but pressure on the currency is really coming from rising US bond yields.

Investors are repositioning on market speculation of four instead of three US interest rate hikes and this has had an impact on emerging-market currencies as well as equity markets.

Although the Fed left the benchmark interest rate unchanged in a recent meeting, officials say that inflation is close to the 2% target. The market expects the Fed to raise the federal funds rate a second time in June when it next meets.

How this works is that investors are anticipating that new US government bonds will now be issued with a higher coupon rate, which is the interest that is paid out annually on the bonds because of the higher interest rates. Also, because of the anticipation, the earlier issued bonds, with a lower coupon rate, will now be traded at a lower price, and because there is an inverse relationship between bond prices and yields, there is a rise in bond yields.

This is why the benchmark 10-year US Treasuries yield is now higher, because the price has dropped, causing US bond yields to narrow against the yields of similar-tenor bonds of foreign government issuers.

For example, the yields between the 10-year Malaysian Government Securities and the 10-year Treasuries have narrowed, making Treasuries – because of its safe-haven status and underlying currency strength – a more attractive asset.

An interest rate hike also means that inflationary pressure is picking up because of economic growth and that will attract investors too.

The steady US economic outlook, US dollar strength and safe-haven status at a time of much geopolitical uncertainty are also attractive factors. Currency strategists point to US dollar movements as more important when taking into account the US dollar/ringgit pairing. The decisions of US policymakers as well as other external factors such as trade will have more weight on the ringgit’s direction rather than purely domestic factors.

Even the rising oil price has not been able to stem the weakness in the ringgit, and that is because of the investors repositioning rather than any inherent political risks.

However, a political analyst did say that without the higher oil price, the ringgit could have seen a steeper fall. “It could be that rising US bond yields is the reason for the ringgit’s weakness but I believe that political factors are at play too and that without the higher oil price, the ringgit would have fallen even more,” he says.

The economy

A Pakatan government will have to find a middle path in unravelling some of the more unpopular policies, while ensuring policy continuity and assuaging the concerns of investors.

Both Barisan and Pakatan claim to have the people’s welfare at heart, and both claim they want to alleviate the cost-of-living issue that Malaysians have been grappling with in recent years. The Pakatan coalition is also calling for the shaping of the nation’s economy in a fair and just manner.

The Pakatan promises must take into account the urgent need for the economy to move up the value chain. In one respect, a focus on high-end manufacturing will have a positive spillover effect, as such initiatives will attract high-end service jobs including banking and financial services as well as research and development opportunities.

The Pakatan manifesto launched in early March includes 10 promises to be implemented within 100 days of winning the election. Among the promises are the abolishment of the goods and services tax, reintroducing the petrol subsidy and increasing the minimum wage to RM1,500 by their first term in office.

Moody’s Investor Service analysts say in a report released yesterday that the implications on the country’s credit standing will be determined by the impact of the election results on existing government policies, with particular regard to fiscal consolidation and debt trend.

“Ahead of the election, Barisan and the key opposition, Pakatan, have both unveiled their manifestos and specific spending programmes targeted at key voter bases. These measures include raising the minimum wage, greater cash handouts and relief for Federal Land Development Authority settlers, among others,” they say.

The rating agency, which has maintained the country’s A3 credit profile with a “stable” outlook, says the impact of these programmes on the sovereign credit will depend on how they are funded and whether they have a negative effect by delaying the government’s ongoing efforts at fiscal consolidation.

“Economically, these programmes are likely to boost consumption over the near term but against the backdrop of Malaysia’s export-driven growth, the impact is not likely to be material and could be offset by inflation,” they note.

Another crucial promise is to launch detailed studies of multi-billion-ringgit projects awarded to foreign countries. This particular promise is likely aimed at China, which has become a major investor, if not the largest in recent years, with not only infrastructure projects but also property development.

Pakatan will have to tread carefully where reviewing contracts is concerned, as the sanctity of contracts is crucial to investor confidence.

“Any review of the mega-projects will have to be done in a tactful manner. Malaysia is not the United States, we don’t have the heft, so we need to be careful,” an analyst says.- by Fintan Ng The Star

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BN loss will see bad future ?

Towering achievement: The Tun Razak Exchange is one of the projects Ng says will be halted if the Opposition wins the polls. — Bernama...

BN loss will see bad future ?

Towering achievement: The Tun Razak Exchange is one of the projects Ng says will be halted if the Opposition wins the polls. — Bernama

PETALING JAYA: An analyst has warned of a bleak economic future for Malaysia if the Opposition is voted into power in GE14.

About - CREATE – Centre for Research, Advisory & Technology

Ng Yeen Seen | 世界经济论坛

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Centre for Research, Advisory & Technology (fb)

Centre for Research, Advisory and Technology chief executive officer Ng Yeen Seen (pic) said Malaysia will be sidelined by China from the Belt and Road Initiative.

She said the Opposition will cease all China-linked projects such as the East Coast Rail Link, Tun Razak Exchange and the Country Garden Forest City development.

Malaysia’s palm oil industry problems will then be compounded with a boycott by China, she said.

She said many will be expected to lose their jobs if China decides to use another route to bypass Port Klang.

The abolition of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) will also result in a huge loss in revenue for the Government, she said.

According to her, government employees will be expected to lose their jobs as Petronas is no longer a formidable force like it was in the 80s, 90s and in the first decade of 2000.

“The Government will have to find alternative sources,” she said in a statement yesterday.

She added that this will result in national debt rising as it did in the 80s and 90s as privatisation will see a significant increase to sell more assets to “friendly parties” via cheap loans guaranteed by the Govern­ment.

Furthermore, as the Opposition has vowed to abolish tolls, Ng said the Government will have to borrow money from the United States, for example, in its plans to buy back these assets.

Ng said this was because the Government no longer had the oil money it once had in the past, coupled with China and the Middle East not being as strong as they were due to falling oil prices.

Although the abolition of BR1M will result in the B40 group being encouraged to work in newly privatised companies, she said this will hamper the nation’s dreams of becoming a high-income nation.

“To be globally competitive, these privatised companies will have to keep costs low and our high-income nation dreams will be destroyed,” she said, adding that foreign workers will return to compete with locals.

She pointed out that this will result in Industry 4.0 modernisation not happening and the country falling behind nations such as Thailand, Vietnam and Indonesia by 2023.- The Star

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This is what the Malaysian Chinese want

The Utusan Malaysia headline of May 7 posed an interesting and pertinent question of what more do the Chinese in Malaysia want. It is a pity that Utusan is unable to see that what the Chinese want is, in fact, what the educated urban Malaysian voter wants, regardless of race or religion. There are three important characteristics lacking in the Barisan of today.

Intelligent, courageous leadership

The Chinese comprise only 30 per cent of Malaysian voters, yet Pakatan Rakyat won 51 per cent of the total votes cast. By saying that the election result was because of the Chinese voters, the Barisan Nasional leadership demonstrates an inability to objectively face reality.

Barisan’s acceptance of Zulkifli Nordin as its direct Shah Alam candidate similarly shows a lack of intelligence and courage. Here is a lawyer who does not feel that dialogue and discussion can resolve matters, having forcefully disrupted a Law Society seminar a few years ago. He has vowed loyalty to, and then turned on, his previous political parties (PAS and PKR). He has publicly belittled an ancient religion with a million Malaysian followers.

UMNO making way for Ibrahim Ali to contest the Pasir Mas constituency is similarly bad judgement, showing its acceptance and approval of a crude man who prides himself with using vulgar words in public interviews.

Principled means acting in accordance with morality and showing recognition of right and wrong.

To give them such special honour and credit shows a lack of intelligent reasoning and an inability to stand up against the loud extremist faction of the party.

Attributing the election outcome to a “Chinese tsunami” is illogical in the face of concrete facts and data. PAS won an additional seven state seats in Selangor, all in Malay majority areas.

Lim Kit Siang could not have achieved a majority of over 14,000 votes in Gelang Patah without good support from Malays who form 35 per cent of the electorate there.

Similarly the UMNO-backed PERKASA extremists were conclusively rejected in Pasir Mas (96 per cent Malay) and in Shah Alam where Malays make up 70 per cent of the electorate.

To blindly spin the 2013 election outcome to suit its raced-based founding philosophy of 1947shows up a political party that wants to be stubbornly unwise. Unless UMNO’s leadership can find the courage to face facts, the party may become redundant and obsolete for the educated 21st century voter.

Respect for and recognition of rights

Academic studies have consistently shown that increased income brings more happiness and satisfaction only up to a certain point. When a society progresses out of poverty into middle class, increasing income does not increase satisfaction proportionately. It is the psychological aspects of living that produces a better quality of life.

Whatever the radiation scientists claim, the people of Bentong (45 per cent Malay, 44 per cent Chinese) will ask why a factory run by an Australian company is unsuitable for Australia or Damansara Heights but can be located in their backyard.

In 2008, Health Minister Liow won Bentong by over 12,000 votes. This year he retained Bentong with less than 400 votes against a political novice who is a green activist. The urban electorate, Chinese or Malay, seeks respect and recognition of their right to a safe living environment.

MCA contested in 37 parliamentary seats and managed to win seven in GE13.

In Penang, the 1 Malaysia Charity organisation hosted numerous concerts and dinners in support of Barisan candidates. At their functions, T-shirts, beer, hawker food and lucky draw gifts were given free.

Initially there was merriment and wonder at this new campaigning style; this then became anger and disgust when even cash incentives were handed out. The electorate felt they were treated with disrespect, as if their rights, dignity and vote were up for sale.

Numerous development issues had plagued the Penang DAP government in the months leading up to the election, and the increased majority they subsequently obtained can only be explained by the strong rejection what the other side represents. Money cannot buy happiness, and similarly, the urban electorate set out to show that money cannot buy their vote in Penang.

The urban electorate in Malaysia is obviously better off economically compared to the rural dwellers. They have reached a stage when extra economic incentives can no longer easily win their approval.

Instead they asked for respect, and an acknowledgement of their right to an inclusive, peaceful existence in the country. They seek recognition as a legitimate electorate with the right to choose the governing party. Blaming and insulting them for voting against the Barisan will only guarantee the DAP and Pakatan a brighter future.

Competent and efficient institutions

There is no doubt that relative to those who were once our equivalent, we Malaysians have fallen behind. The Singapore dollar which was equivalent to the ringgit in the 1970’s is today 2.5 times higher. Malaysia beat South Korea and Japan in the 1972 Olympic football qualifying rounds; today we are nowhere near these 2 World Cup Finals participating countries.

Malaysians have fallen behind in economy, education and sports.

Universiti Malaya had topped the list of universities passing the United States medical qualifying examination in 1969, ahead of Melbourne and Singapore University. In 2011, Universiti Malaya was ranked 401 out of the 500 universities in the Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s Academic Ranking of World Universities.

The educated, smart-phone holding, internet-surfing, urban voter is aware of world-wide trends and wants to experience the best that life can offer. When the governing party is unable to develop the country to its full potential, its popularity will drop.

As demonstrated by the Noble prize winning Dr Ivan Pavlov, animals respond to incentives, and man is no exception. A system that promotes those who agree with and pamper those in power while sidelining those working hard to pursue competency will breed inefficient malfunctioning institutions. Even those not under their direct employment will be affected by these incompetent institutions.

Malaysians want a competent and efficient institutions.

When the police force is politicised and crime rate increases, more money will have to be spent on personal and household security. Even Datuk Nazir Razak admitted that he had hesitated coming back to Malaysia because of concerns about his children’s education. When the middle class spends on private education or healthcare, votes for the governing party will drop.

Conclusion

The Chinese now make up only 25 per cent of Malaysia’s population and to be named as the cause of major developments in the country is to be hurtful to this minority and insulting to the majority. On the other hand, government statistics show that Malaysia’s urban population has increased from 62 per cent in 2000 to 71 per cent in 2010.

 No amount of rhetorical whitewashing can hide the fact that the poor performance of Barisan in the 2013 election is due to its failure to win the heart and mind of the urban voter. The faster it faces reality and move away from its obsolete race-based mindset, the better its prospects for the next electoral battle.

by Ong Hean Teik

* Dr Ong Hean Teik is a consultant cardiologist in Penang. He reads The Malaysian Insider.
* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.

Reblogged from Din Merican: the Malaysian DJ Blogger

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Apa Lagi Cina Mahu? Charge the racist! Thousands protest Malaysian election results

Apa Lagi Cina Mahu? Charge the racist! Thousands protest Malaysian election results

Utusan Malaysia published articles condemning the Malaysian Chinese with the headline ‘Apa lagi Cina Mahu?’ and Najib Tun Razak’s speech after the election stating the ‘Chinese Tsunami’ has further sparked agitation among Malaysian Chinese who have exercised their democratic right by supporting Pakatan Rakyat.

The Malaysian Chinese played a prominent role in development of Malaya since the Malacca days. The Chinese diaspora occurred from the 19th century to 1949. The major reason for Chinese emigration is because of starvation, war and political corruption in mainland China. The Chinese migrated to various parts of world as coolies to replace African slaves. A British Guinea planter quoted that the Chinese labourers are strong in their physique and eager to earn a living.

The Chinese in the past suffered because of the exploitation by the Europeans. The first wave of emigration occurred in 15th century during the Malacca sultanate. Diplomatic ties were established between China and Malacca and Sultan Mansur married Puteri Hang Li Po (subject still debated by historian). Puteri Hang Li Po was accompanied by a senior state minister and five hundred youths and maids.

The inheritors of these people, mostly from Fujian province, are called the Baba (men) and Nyonya (women) or Cina Peranakan. The culture integration between Malay and Chinese dates back from the 15th century. The Straits Chinese adopted the Malay culture into their lives in the context of language, food, clothing, etc. Most notable Peranakans are Tan Cheng Lock – founder and first president of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), Tan Siew Sin – third President of MCA, Lee Kuan Yew – first Prime Minister of Singapore and Lee Hsien Loong – third Prime Minister of Singapore, son of Lee Kuan Yew.

In response to Ali Rustam’s comments published by Utusan Malaysia, based on historical facts, MCA was formed by Tun Tan Cheng Lock and he understands the cultural integration and unity between Chinese and Malay has been the core strength for the coalition. The founding father of Umno recognises the Chinese contribution to this country and forged ties with Chinese to build Malaya. On that note, as a leader you should recognise the contributions of a community that has worked along with other Malaysian.

If the Chinese community has rejected your leadership, accept your defeat and work on building your reputation back with the Chinese community. A mark of a true leader is his ability to accept defeat and prove to the people that he is a leader capable of handling the defeat. Mahathir and Lim Kit Siang have lost in the past. They did not blame anyone but took it as part of a democracy system and worked harder to win the hearts of the people. Please do not make any further racial remarks because it sends a wrong message to the people and the modern leadership in Malaysia requires a leader to lead based on liberal thoughts rather than communal thoughts.

Malaysian has progressed towards a multiracial political ideology instead of communal political ideology as introduced by the British. Being a former Chief Minister of Malacca, you should possess greater knowledge in Chinese-Malay relationship dating back to the 15th century and the progression of the two communities in building Malaysia. The common folk of Malaysia have moved on from the communal ideology to multiracial ideology.

As a politician, in agony of defeat, issuing an official statement of blaming a community does not promote harmony and is not in tandem with 1Malaysia programme introduced by your party. As a Malaysian, we desire for a leader to build a stronger bond between the communities not dismantling the ethnic relationship. On that note, please go back to the drawing board and rework on your leadership ideology.

According to Sir Frank Swettenham, K.C.M.G. (1850-1946) in his book, ‘British Malaya – An Account of the Origin and Progress of British Influence in Malaya’ stated that the Chinese played a major part in developing the economy of British Malaya. The following are the contribution of the Chinese community under British Malaya:

a The Chinese were responsible for half of the world’s tin supply during that period because of the hard work, law abiding and capability.

b The Chinese were the miners, traders, planters and fisherman way before the British made way to Malaya. Before the British invasion, it was the Chinese energy and industry that paid for the infrastructure projects in British Malaya.

c The Chinese were the pioneers in tin mining and went into remote jungles, cleared the forest, took the risk and made profit for their hard work.

d The Chinese built the schools, government buildings, roads, railways, water works, etc.

e The Chinese invested their capital and brought in Chinese labour to develop British Malaya when the British were afraid to invest.

f The Chinese labour and enterprise were the reasons for the evolution of British Malaya.

The above reflects the contribution of the Chinese community in Malaysia. The ‘Chinese Tsunami’ comment does not recognise the hardship that the Chinese community endured towards building this country. It was not a Chinese tsunami but rather a Malaysian tsunami as stated by Lim Kit Siang. However, passing a racial remark on a community that has been an integral part of this nation destroys the Malaysian sentiment in Chinese community. The political leaders should take the responsibility for the defeat in the election, instead of passing racially provocative remarks towards a community that has suffered building this country.

Relating to the historical evidence and role of Chinese community in socio-economics activities, they have contributed significantly. Their participation in socio-economic activities has uplifted the country. These contributions must be recognised and as a democratic nation, it is their right to choose leaders. MCA and Gerakan have failed in addressing Chinese community issues and the component parties of Barisan Nasional should tackle the issues delicately without stirring racial sentiments.

Relating to comments from Saravanan (MIC), in a democracy the people have the right to choose. No one put a knife to your neck and asked you to serve the community. The choice of career in politics in decided by the individual, and part of the political career is ability to accept the people’s choice. Despite the blunder at the electorate, Barisan Nasional is still the government and the leaders are required to deliver the manifesto promised during the election.  We request political leaders to commence activities that have been promised in the manifesto instead of making harsh remarks on Chinese community.

The Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan, Iban and others have decided that the way to move forward is through multiracial cooperation. The new generation identifies themselves as Malaysian first before anything else. The election has proven our desire to be governed by liberal leaders with progressive thinking instead of traditional communal backwards leaders. The political ideology by PKR, DAP and PAS has captured the hearts of the young Malaysian. The popular votes have proven the rise of Generation Y in deciding the direction of this country.

We urge the coalition leaders to stop these racial remarks on our Chinese brothers. We stand united to defend the rights of every Malaysian regardless of his ethnicity. As a Generation Y representative and on behalf of decent Malaysians, we require the coalition leaders to nurture the Malaysian spirit in their political agenda. We have rejected two racist leaders from Perkasa and if the racial propaganda continues, Malaysian will not hesitate to reject race based leadership. The people have trusted the coalition with another mandate and we require the leaders to deliver it open heartedly.

To the Chinese and Malay community, we appeal for you to ignore the remarks on ‘Chinese Tsunami’ and ‘Apa lagi Cina mahu?’. We have rejected racism and a paradigm shift has taken shape in mind of the Malaysian. History has proven that the Chinese and Malay community share a close bond since the Malacca Sultanate. Let’s continue to foster the relationship instead of falling for a racial political ploy. The British invented the ‘divide & rule’ system to segregate the Malay, Chinese and Indian in the past, we have matured as a society and the system is no longer applicable.

History has proved the role and contributions of Chinese society in this country.  The Malaysian public has sufficient knowledge and understands the importance of racial harmony. The real power is with the people and no one can take that away from us. We continue to exist and fight for our rights regardless of the condition. We have come a long way to give up on the Malaysian dream. The Inikalilah spirits lives on with us and it was a Malaysian tsunami not Chinese.

Natesan Visnu - FMT

Charge the racist!

PETALING JAYA: The DAP will back any move to take action against local Chinese dailies for stoking racial sentiment if there is proof, said party adviser Lim Kit Siang.

“We welcome any action and will give support for Chinese newspapers to be charged with sedition if the Prime Minister can pinpoint which newspapers are responsible and the articles,” he told reporters at the DAP headquarters here yesterday.

He said there should not be any double standard in punishing those guilty of stoking racial sentiment.

On Tuesday, commenting on Utusan Malaysia's front-page headline Apa Lagi Cina Mahu? in a press conference, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak had said: “You blame Utusan but what about the Chinese papers? Are you saying that they (Chinese newspapers) are saying the right things all the time?”
Lim urged Najib to retract and apologise over his remark attributing the election results to a “Chinese tsunami” and the Chinese dailies.

He refuted the Prime Minister's statement that the Chinese had been duped by the DAP into believing that they could change the government via their ballots.

“This is not the truth as DAP has never said that the Chinese were able to change the government,” he said, adding that the call for change was made to all Malaysians via Pakatan Rakyat.

Lim warned Najib against “playing with fire” by racialising the election results, including using this to bolster his image for the coming party polls in Umno.

Barisan Nasional leaders, he said, should instead focus on revamping the electoral system by asking members of the Election Commission to resign.

- The Star/Asia New Network

Thousands protest Malaysian election results

PETALING JAYA: Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim called on Malaysians to protest the results of the general election by wearing black.

“I urge all Malaysians to wear black every day from Saturday,” he said in his speech during a rally to protest against the general election results at the Kelana Jaya Stadium last night.

Anwar also questioned the targeting of certain segments of society for the results in GE13.

“The Malays, Chinese and Indians as well as other races want to defend their rights and reject cheating and deception,” he said to tens of thousands of opposition supporters who attended the rally.

He said Pakatan Rakyat leaders would be gathering in Penang on Saturday night for another rally.

Among those present were Bersih co-chair Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan and DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang.

Fashion statement: Anwar urging Pakatan supporters to wear black during the rally at the stadium. — AFP

 

Hundreds later spilled onto the Damansara-Puchong Highway (LDP) in front of the Giant Hypermarket after the rally ended at about 11.30pm to cheer passing cars as well as raise flags.

Coupled with the rally participants who parked their cars illegally on the LDP near the hypermarket, this caused a major traffic gridlock over several kilometres.

There was no police presence to control the situation.

Earlier, motorists expressed frustration at being caught in the jam as people made their way to the stadium.

A part-time kindergarten teacher who was caught in the jam near the Puchong-Sunway toll plaza said she left work at about 7pm and only reached home at 10.30pm.

“At first I thought it was a police roadblock, but I did not see any police, only people in cars and on motorbikes waving flags.

Fully prepared: Pakatan supporters using umbrellas or raincoats at the stadium during a drizzle.

 

“The elections are over, so why is there a need to demonstrate and cause so much inconvenience to the public?” asked the 56-year-old who only wanted to be identified as Nor.

Meanwhile, social media users used their time spent in the jam to describe the congestion.

“It's so jammed here @ sunway toll that drivers are just chillin outside their cars,” @hellsen tweeted at 10.30pm.

User @EwinEe posted a picture showing those attending the rally parked their vehicles along the North Klang Valley Expressway, causing the three-lane road to be reduced to one lane.

By REGINA LEE, FARIK ZOLKEPLI, YUEN MEIKENG and YVONNE LIM
newsdesk@thestar.com.my

Related posts:

It is a Malaysian tsunami not Chinese tsunami, based on new aspirations and reality reflected in GE 13 outcome 

The Chinese in Malaysia want an honest relationship,a genuine partnership...

 Malaysian Chinese tsunami ! 

It is a Malaysian tsunami not Chinese tsunami, based on new aspirations and reality reflected in GE 13 outcome

BN fared worse this time around compared to 2008. The number of its parliamentary seats dwindled to 133 from 140. As for state legislative assemblies, the figure was even less impressive with 275 compared to 306 previously although the ruling coalition managed to recapture Kedah and legitimise its control over Perak.

For the first time since the 1969 general election, BN garnered less popular votes than the opposition. I agree with debaters who asserted that this is not a “Chinese tsunami” given the fact that the BN’s performance had also worsened in Malay majority states such as Terengganu.

“Please accept the results.” That was the closing remark of the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, in his media conference when accepting the Barisan Nasional’s victory in the 13th general elaction at the Umno headquarters in Kuala Lumpur.

Briefly, my preliminary observation is BN cannot be proud or, more so, swollen-headed with its achievement because prior to this it had boasted openly about winning big and securing a two-third majority in the Dewan Rakyat and recapturing states held by the Pakatan Rakyat.

Instead, its achievement is worse than in the 2008 GE because the PR had succeeded in penetrating Johor and won more seats in Sarawak – two states deemed as BN’s fixed deposit – and won additional seats in state legislative assemblies nationwide.

Although the PR had failed in its “Ubah” and “Ini Kalilah” campaign to wrest control of the Federal Government, the pact had nevertheless expanded its presence to all states.

BN had successfully recaptured Kedah and defended Perak, but failed in its attempt to win back Selangor and Kelantan although its propaganda machinery had given the impression that Selangor was already in its hand and there were hopes of winning Kelantan.

With regard to Selangor, its defeat is a major slap in the face for being so boastful.

Penang needs no mention. Both the Gerakan and MCA were totally destroyed.

The bait Najib put before the Chinese produced no results. They openly rejected BN.

Najib was stunned by the outcome and promised changes to Umno. But the poor showing compared to 2008 has made his position vulnerable.

Also, is the outcome of this general election a “tsunami Cina” (Chinese tsunami) as Najib had described them or were they the manifestation of something more significant i.e. a large number of voters no longer accept the BN and the BN-led government as it exists today?

Is it not possible that this is not a Chinese tsunami or ethnic chauvinism but instead a Malaysian tsunami that is based on new aspirations and reality, especially among the young voters?

Although BN has recaptured Kedah, its strength in all state legislative assemblies had fallen.

It almost lost Terengganu as well as surrendered many seats to PR in all states.

On the PR side, it must accept the choice of voters and any dissatisfaction and dispute must be settled in accordance with laws and regulations, and not via street protests.

Wallahualam. – Akadirjasin.blogspot.com/akadirjasin.com.
> A. Kadir Jasin is Editor-in-Chief of magazine publishing company, Berita Publishing Sdn Bhd

Related posts:
Update Malaysian election GE13 ressults 
Malaysian Chinese tsunami !
The Chinese in Malaysia want an honest relationship, a genuine partnership

Malaysian Chinese tsunami !

Barisan Nasional keeps its hold on power thanks to the Malay breakwater that held back a Chinese wave that swept over the country. 

A CHINESE tsunami swept over the country last night. It ripped through all the seats that had a significant Chinese electorate and devastated Gerakan and MCA in the peninsula and SUPP in Sarawak.

The tsunami was basically about the Chinese electorate going for change. The result was that the DAP emerged the big winner, making new gains everywhere, including in Johor.

But it was evident that the Pakatan Rakyat slogan of “ABU, or Asalkan Bukan Umno (Anything But Umno)” had also resonated with the urban populace in general because Pakatan regained Selangor with a two-thirds majority.

The Chinese tsunami also helped to carry many of the PKR candidates in many of the mixed seats.

However, the tsunami could not quite make it to Putrajaya.

At about 1am, a solemn-looking Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak announced that Barisan Nasional had a simple majority to form the government.

At press time, Barisan had attained 133 seats, still short of the 138-seat majority won by his predecessor Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Najib was clearly disappointed but he spoke in a calm and steady voice as he urged everyone to accept the election result as part of the democratic process.

The Malay electorate, especially those in the rural states, continued to back Barisan. It is a small consolation to Najib that the Malays have returned to Umno in a significant way.

The Malay wall held back the Chinese tsunami and Barisan won back Kedah. It also held on to Perak, which was a subject of speculation until close to midnight.

At press time, Barisan won Perak with 31 state seats against 28 by Pakatan. But Pakatan continued to dominate in Penang with an increased majority.

PAS managed to hold on to Kelantan with a much reduced majority, which showed that Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat's appeal as a religious figure still commands support in the state.

As predicted, PAS won the least seats among the Pakatan parties and DAP is now the dominant party in Pakatan with the most number of seats. It can also lay claim to having defeated a top Umno leader, namely former Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Ghani Othman in Gelang Patah.

The Pakatan wins also mean that Johor and Sarawak are no longer the fixed-deposit states for Barisan.

The zero sum game of politics means that DAP's gain is MCA's loss because both parties contested in Chinese-majority seats. MCA won only seven parliamentary seats, far short of the 15 that it won in 2008.

MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek tweeted late last night that the party would not be accepting any government posts.

This was in keeping with the pledge made that the party would not accept posts in the Government if it did not do better this time.

A big question mark hangs over the future of MCA as well as Gerakan and SUPP and they will have to do much soul-searching after this.

The Chinese rejection of Barisan is a big blow to Najib, who went out of his way to persuade them to come along on his economic and political transformation journey.

The Chinese have rejected a moderate and inclusive leader, who has made more overtures to the Chinese than any other Prime Minister before him, and Najib and his coalition will have to reassess all this in the months to come.

There will also be soul-searching on the part of PAS, given its loss in Kedah and the defeat of several of its top leaders, including its deputy president Mohamed Sabu in Kedah and vice-president Salahuddin Ayub in Johor. Another vice-president, Datuk Husam Musa, lost in Putrajaya.

One of the most disturbing aspects of the election result is that the ruling coalition is dominated by Umno and the Malays while the opposition Pakatan is dominated by the Chinese-based DAP.

The impact of this will become clearer as the dust settles over the most closely-fought election ever.

Comment
By Joceline Tan
The Star/Asia News Network

Related post:

Update Malaysian election GE13 ressults

Malaysian election: Relooking ideals of democracy, How to casting Your Vote?

The workings of electoral democracy face many challenges that separate the democracy’s virtues from the sordid realities that need to be admitted and rectified.

Transformation Malaysia

IN a democracy, the government must be representative of the people and answerable, responsible and accountable to the wishes of society. Elections are one aspect of this accountability.

Unfortunately, the electoral exercise in all democracies is so colossal, involves so many details, so many people (240,000 workers for the forthcoming elections) and so much money (RM400mil) that it is extremely vulnerable to manipulation and malpractices.

Despite democracy’s undoubted virtues, the sordid realities of the electoral exercise need to be noted and rectified.

A genuinely democratic electoral process must possess the following salient features.

First, there must be in existence constitutional provisions for the existence, composition and tenure of legislative assemblies. These are provided for in detail in our federal and state constitutions.

Second, the electoral system must translate votes into parliamentary seats.

Two main types of electoral systems exist – the simple plurality system and the system of proportional representation. In the simple plurality system, the candidate obtaining the most votes is declared elected.

There is no requirement that he must obtain more than 50% of the votes polled. In a three-cornered contest, the “winner” may capture the seat with only a minority of the votes.

In addition to non-representative outcomes in individual constituencies, the simple plurality system permits a massive disparity at the national level between the percentage of votes polled and the percentage of parliamentary seats won.

For example in 2004, Barisan Nasional won 63.9% of the popular vote but 90.4% of the Dewan Rakyat seats. In Britain in the 70s, the victorious Labour party won only 37% of the popular vote but a working majority in Parliament.

In contrast, in the proportional representation system, parliamentary seats are given to parties in proportion to the percentage of popular votes obtained by them.

The positive outcome is that the legislature is truly representative.

But the negative feature of a proportional representation system is that a large number of political parties join the fray and none command a firm majority in the legislature. Instability, frequent change of government and gridlock result.

Third, democracy requires that a fair and impartial machinery for delineating and revising electoral constituencies must be in place.

Every citizen’s vote must carry equal weight. This means that in principle, all constituencies must be approximately equal in population size.

Unfortunately, if this ideal were to be strictly followed, all constituencies in rural areas, in hilly terrains as in Pahang, and in territorially large but thinly populated states as in Sabah and Sarawak will have very few MPs.

The Constitution in 1957, therefore, allowed a measure of weightage to be given to rural constituencies. Unfortunately, how much weightage may be given is no where specified and wide disparities exist.

The largest parliamentary constituency is Kapar, Selangor, with 144,369 voters; the smallest is Putrajaya with 15,355 voters – i.e. 9.4 times smaller. In Perak, the largest is Gopeng with 97,243 electors; the smallest is Padang Rengas with 28,572 – a difference of 3.4.

Fourth, a fair and impartial machinery for drawing up an electoral register is necessary.

In Malaysia, it is the job of the Election Commission to draw up the electoral register impartially, to ensure that no one is denied the right to vote, that there are no phantom voters or persons who have died, that no non-citizens are allowed to register, that voters satisfy the requirement of residence in their constituency and that no one registers in more than one electoral district.

Fifth, the law must permit universal adult franchise (right to vote). Regrettably, our voting age (21 on the date of registration) is very high. Consequently, nearly 55% of the population is rendered ineligible to vote. We need to reduce this proportion. There is also no automatic registration.

Many citizens are apathetic and do not register as voters. Some who do fail to show up on election day because voting is not compulsory.

We have 13.3 million registered voters who constitute only 46% of our population of 28.9 million.

If one were to deduct those who do not show up, this leaves only 34.5% of the population that participates in democracy’s showcase event! We must find ways to increase this proportion.

Sixth, there must be legal rules for the eligibility of candidates and for the nomination of contestants. These exist in detail.

Seventh, there must be rules about the limits on the powers of caretaker governments. In the case of PP v Mohd Amin Razali (2002), the court provided some guidance. We could also emulate conventions from the Common­wealth.

Eighth, legal and conventional rules exist for the conduct of election campaigns, duration of the campaign period and rights of political parties to reach out to the electorate. Ninth, election expenses are controlled so that the electoral exercise does not degenerate into a battle of cheque books.

In Malaysia, the law puts a ceiling on the expenditure by individual candidates (RM100,000 for state and RM200,000 for federal seats) and imposes a duty to maintain a record of contributions and filing of audited statements of expenditure.

However, there is no control on what political parties may spend or receive by way of donation.

Tenth, the Constitution confers safeguards for freedom of speech, assembly and association.

In many democratic countries, there are provisions for equal access to the media for all contestants. In Malaysia, media monopoly is a serious problem.

The Internet is, however, open to everyone and provides an alternative, though not always reliable, source of information.

In sum, though democracy is the best form of government, there can be no denying that behind the folklore of electoral democracy stand many myths and many utilitarian compromises. Every where in the world electoral reform is being called for. Unfortunately, there are no quick-fix, simple solutions.

For this GE, many improvements, like extension of postal votes to those abroad and use of indelible ink, speak well of the recognition of the need for reform. But the challenges are many and, in some cases, fundamental.

What one can hope for is that as in the past our electoral exercise will remain peaceful and that its result will provide a strong and stable government to lead us forward.

Reflecting On The Law by SHAD SALEEM FARUQI
> Shad Saleem Faruqi is Emeritus Professor of Law at UiTM




How to casting Your Vote?

Check & Print out:
Check on-line first (http://daftarj.spr.gov.my/semakpru13.aspx) and print out your details before going to the voting center. You may be able to by-pass the Barung counter since you have a printout and know where to go and thus short cut your time. 

How to hold your ballot paper? 

Shaken indelible ink: 

Failure to shake the bottles vigorously has caused the ink used for polling to be washed off easily, the Election Commission clarified, referring to several cases during advance voting which are causing a stir in the social media. The EC gave assurance that those who have cast their ballots will not vote again on Sunday.

Why should we be afraid of Hudud Law? (Must Watch)?


Anwar Ibrahim at Han Chiang High School Penang